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Martin Luther King Jr.

Edited By Clayborne Carson

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Introduction

I first saw Martin Luther King, Jr., from a distance. He was up on the platform in front of the Lincoln Memorial, the concluding speaker at the 1963 March on Washington for jobs and Freedom. I was below in the vast crowd of listeners around the reflecting pool, a nineteen-year-old college student attending my first civil rights demonstration. He would become a Man of the Year, a Noble Prize laureate, and a national icon. I would become a foot soldier in the movement he symbolized and would walk through the doors of opportunity made possible by that movement.

 

More than two decades later, after I became a historian at Stanford University, Mrs. Coretta Scott King unexpectedly called me to offer the opportunity to edit the papers of her late husband. Since accepting her offer to become director of the King Papers Project, I have immersed myself in the documents recording his life and have gradually come to know a man I never met. The study of King has become the central focus of my scholarly life, and this project is the culmination of my career as a documentary editor. The March on Washington started me on the path to The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr. This book is a product of King’s intellectual legacy, just as I am a beneficiary of his social justice legacy.

         

The following narrative of King’s life is based entirely on his own words. These are his thoughts about the events in his life as he expressed them at different times in various ways. Although he never wrote a comprehensive autobiography, King published three major books as well as numerous articles and essays focusing on specific periods of his life. In addition, many of his speeches, sermons, letters, and unpublished manuscripts provide revealing information. Taken together, these materials provide the basis for this approximation of the autobiography that King might have written had his life not suddenly ended.

         

For the most part, this book consists of autobiographical writings that were published during King’s lifetime and were personally edited by him. In many instances King was assisted by others, since he made considerable use of collaborators. Nevertheless, King’s papers provide ample evidence of his active involvement in the editorial processes that resulted in his most significant publications. Indeed, the preparation for this autobiography involved examining preliminary drafts (several handwritten) of King’s published writings in order to determine his authorial intentions. I have included passages from such drafts when they contain revealing or clarifying information that does not appear in the published version.

         

Although King’s published autobiographical writings provide the basic structure of this book, they constitute an incomplete narrative. In order to fill out the narrative and to include King’s accounts of events that are not discussed in his published writings, I have incorporated passages from hundreds of documents and recordings, including many statements that were not intended for publication or even intended as autobiography. These passages augment the published accounts and serve as transitions between more extended narratives. In some instances, I have made editorial changes, which are explained below, in order to construct a narrative that is readable and comprehensible. This exercise of editorial craft is intended to provide readers with a readily accessible assemblage of King’s writings and recorded statements that would otherwise be available only to a handful of King Scholars. 

       

I trust that readers will recognize and appreciate the fact that this narrative can never approach the coherce and comprehensiveness that would have been possible if King had been able to write a complete account of his life. Thus, this narrative understates the importance in King’s life of his family. Although King often acknowledged the centrality of his wife, Coretta Scott King, in his public and private life, his extant papers rarely noted the degree to which she participated in protest activities and other public events. Similarly, King’s close ties to his parents, his children, his sister Christine King Farris, and his brother A. D. King are insufficiently reflected in his papers, despite the fact that these relatives played crucial roles in his life.

         

The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr., is, therefore largely a religious and political autobiography rather than an exploration of a private life. It is necessarily limited to those aspects of King’s life that he chose to reveal in his papers, but King was never garrulous about his private life and was unlikely to have chosen his autobiography as an opportunity to reveal intimate details of his life. In his personal papers, however, King sometimes overcame his reticence to expose his private feelings to public view. He left behind documents that offer information that has never previously been published and that collectively defines his character. Although King may have selected or utilized these materials differently than I have, he (or researchers and co-authors working with him) would certainly have recognized them as essential starting points for understanding his life.

         

This book is an extension of my charge from the King estate to assemble and edit King’s papers. I have benefitted from the long-term, collective effort of dozens of staff members and student researchers who assisted the search for autobiographical passages amidst the several hundred thousand King-related documents that the King Papers Project has identified (see Acknowledgments section). The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr., is one by-product of the project’s continuing effort to publish a definitive, annotated fourteen-volume scholarly edition of The Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr.

 

The fact that The Autobiography of Martin Luther King Jr., has been compiled and edited after King’s death warrants an explanation of how it was constructed. Although many autobiographies are written with some editorial assistance – from minor copyediting to extensive rewriting of raw information (often tape-recorded recollections) supplied by the subject – readers are rarely made aware of the significance of such assistance. The role of Alex Haley in the production of The Autobiography of Malcolm X is a well-known demonstration of the value of behind-the-scenes editorial assistance for a subject who lacks the time or the ability to write an autobiographical narrative that is compelling and of literary value. Autobiographical editing succeeds when the resulting narrative convinces the readers that it accurately represents the thoughts of the subject.

         

The authenticity of this autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr., derives from the fact that I have followed a consistent methodology to preserve the integrity of King’s statements and writing while also merging these texts into a single narrative. Although great care has been taken to insure that this account of King’s life is based on his own words, it is also the result of many challenging editorial judgements. Among these was the decision to construct a narrative that traced King’s life to its end by combining source texts of many different periods of his life. The comprehensiveness of this narrative implies that King write it, with considerable editorial and research assistance, at the very end of his life. Although many of the source texts present King’s attitudes and perspectives at earlier points in his life, King’s viewpoints on major issues remained quite stable during his adult years; I feel justified in believing that King’s final recounting of his beliefs would not have differed in any significant way from his earlier recollections.

         

The materials used to construct this narrative are the types of documentary materials that King (or those assisting him) would undoubtedly have consulted while preparing an autobiography. These source texts, which constitute the raw materials for this work, include sections and passages taken from the following types of sources:

 

  • Major autobiographical books (and draft manuscripts): Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story (1958), Why We Can’t wait (1964), and Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? (1967);

  • Articles and essays (both published and unpublished) describing specific periods and events;

  • Speeches, sermons, and other public statements containing autobiographical passages;

  • Autobiographical statements in King’s published or recorded interviews;

  • Letters from King;

  • Comments by King in official documents, meeting transcripts, and various audiovisual materials.

 

I have tried wherever possible to track down the original publishers of these materials, but in a few instances this was virtually impossible.

         

To insure that this narrative accurately reflects King’s autobiographical thoughts, editorial interventions have been limited to those necessary to produce a narrative that is readable, internally coherent, and lucid. I have preserved the integrity and immediacy of certain texts by inserting italicized verbatim passages into the edited narrative. Other quotations from King-authored documents have been placed in boxes at appropriate places in the autobiographical narrative.

         

King’s recollections of episodes in his life, like all autobiographical writings, were distorted by the passage of time and the vagaries of memory. Thus I have not attempted to correct historical inaccuracies in King’s account. Rather, when multiple source texts are available for a particular event, I have sought to determine which of these represent King’s most vivid and reliable recollection. The resulting narrative balances several considerations in the selection of source texts, including a preference for accounts that are near to the time of the event rather than later recollections and a preference for more precise descriptions over more general, abstract ones.

         

After source texts were selected and placed in rough chronological order, II constructed chapter-long narratives that cover periods in King’s life. In this process, I condensed some of King’s source texts by removing words and details that were redundant or superfluous in the context of a comprehensive narrative. Additional editorial interventions include the following: tenses have been changed (usually from present to past or past perfect); words or brief phrases have been added to indicate or clarify time, location, or name (such as “In June”); conjunctions and other transitional words have been provided when necessary; pronouns have been replaced with proper nouns when referents are unclear (“Ralph Abernathy” rather than “he”), and vice versa when context requires; spellings have been regularized; punctuation and sentence construction have been modified in order to clarify meaning and enhance readability. 

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 - Clayborne Carson

Stanford, California

August 1, 1998 

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I say to you, this morning, that if you have never found something so dear and so precious to you that you will die for it, then you aren’t fit to live. You may be thirty-eight years old, as I happen to be, and one day, some great opportunity stands before you and calls upon you to stand up for some great principle, some great issue, some great cause. And you refuse to do it because you are afraid. You refuse to do it because you want to live longer. You’re afraid that you will lose your job, or you are afraid that you will be criticized or that you will lose your popularity, or you’re afraid that somebody will stab you or shoot you or bomb your house. So you refuse to take the stand. Well, you may go on and live until you are ninety, but you are just as dead at thirty-eight as you would be at ninety. And the cessation of breathing in your life is but the belated announcement of an earlier death of the spirit. You died when you refused to stand up for right. You died when you refused to stand up for truth. You died when you refused to stand up for justice….

            Don’t ever think that you’re by yourself. Go on to jail if necessary, but you never go alone. Take a stand for that which is right, and the world may misunderstand you, and criticize you. But you never go alone, for somewhere I read that one with God is a majority. And God has a way of transforming a minority into a majority. Walk with him this morning and believe in him and do what is right, and He'll be with you even until the consummation of the ages. Yes, I’ve seen the lightning flash. I’ve heard the thunder roll. I’ve felt sin breakers dashing, trying to conquer my soul, but I heard the voice of Jesus saying, still to fight on. He promised never to leave me alone, never to leave me alone. No, never alone. No, never alone.

sermon at ebenezer

November 5, 1967

*POI descriptions have been taken directly from the autobiography (not my own words).

All first person tenses have been changed to third person, for fluidity; nothing else has been altered.

Change in information such as professions, relationship status etc. were also added on as I've gone through the book.

Names are listed in the order they were introduced in the book.

If you believe you have spotted any errors, please do let me know as this would have been unintentional and I'll gladly rectify the issue.

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Alberta Williams King

Mother. The daughter of A. D. Williams, a successful minister. She grew up in comparative comfort. She was an only child.

Martin Luther King, Sr

Father. A very strong and self-confident person. A man of real integrity, deeply committed to moral and ethical principles. He is conscientious in all of his undertakings. His motives and actions are sincere. He led the fight in Atlanta to equalize teacher’s salaries and was instrumental in the elimination of Kim Crow elevators in the courthouse. Pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church.

Dr Mays

Dr. George Kelsey

Dr. Mordecai Johnson

Dr. Edgar S. Brightman

Harold DeWolf

Coretta Scott

Mary Powell

Bernice Scott

Obie Scott

Martin Luther King III

Dexter Scott

Yolanda Denise

Bernice Albertine

Jo Ann Robinson

Rufus Lewis

Rosa Parks

E. D. Nixon

Rev. Ralph Abernathy

Rev. L. Roy. Bennett

Rev. E. N. French

Robert Williams

Mrs Lilie Thomas

President Dwight D. Eisenhower

Frannie E. Scott

John F. Kennedy

Richard Nixon

Mr Charles M. Clayton

Dr W. G. Anderson

Eugene "Bull" Connor

Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth

Rev. Wyatt Tee Walker

Burke Marshall

Jospeh F. Dolan

Medger Ever

A. Philip Randolph

Mr & Mrs Harry T. Moore

Judge Bryan Simpson

President Lyndon Johnson

Senator Barry Goldwater

Floyd McKissick

Arthur Goldberg

President of Morehouse College and one of the greatest influences in my life. Also a minister and deeply religious.

A Professor of philosophy and religion. Also a minister and deeply religious.

President of Howard University.

A faculty member at Boston University

A dear friend of Kings'.

Martin’s wife. A native of the South, from Marion, Alabama. She went to college in Ohio, Antioch College.

A friend from Atlanta who was also a student at the New England Conservatory of Music. She introduced Martin to Coretta.

Coretta’s mother. She is a shy, attractive woman, fair in complexion, possessing narrow features and long black straight hair. She is a person of courage, determination, and amazing internal strength. She taught Coretta her moral and ethical values, not by what she said alone, but also by her example.

Coretta’s father. A short, stocky man of dark complexion. People are strongly attracted to him because of his warm personality.

Kings' oldest son.

Kings' son (third child).

Kings' daughter.

Kings' youngest daughter (fourth child).

A member of the Social and Political Action Committee, who was among the first people to become prominent in the bus boycott.

A member of the Social and Political Action Committee, who was among the first people to become prominent in the bus boycott.

Secretary of Montgomery NAACP. She was tried for disobeying the city segregation ordinance, found guilty and fined $14.00.

The signer of Mrs. Park’s bond. He had served as state president for the NAACP and also as a president of the Montgomery branch. He planned the bus boycott, alongside King, after Rosa Parks was arrested.

Young minister of Montgomery’s First Baptist Church who was to become one of the central figures in the Bus Boycott. My closest associate and most trusted friend. After Roy Bennett left Montgomery, he became first vice president of the MIA. SCLC’s treasurer.

President of Montgomery’s Interdenominational Alliance and minister of the Mt. Zion A.M.E Church.

Then Minister of the Hilliard Chapel A.M.E. Zion Church.

A friend.

The church secretary.

POTUS. The 34th president of the United States, serving from 1953 to 1961.

Coretta's grandmother.

Presidential candidate; later, 35th POTUS. Assassinated in 1963.

The 37th president of the United States, serving from 1969 to 1974. A member of the Republican Party, he previously served as a representative and senator from California and as the 36th vice president from 1953 to 1961 under President Dwight D. Eisenhower.

A Negro attorney who represented King when he was arrested in 1960 over his license.

Head of the Albany movement.

A racist and commissioner of public safety in Birmingham.

Organized the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights – ACHR – in the spring of 1956. A wiry, energetic and indomitable man. In 1956 his home was bombed and demolished and his church dynamited by racists. In 1957 he, and his wife were mobbed, beaten and stabbed. They were also jailed 8 times. 

Abiding friend and executive assistant.

Chief of Civil Rights Assistant. He, alongside Joseph F. Dolan were sent by the administration to seek a truce in the tense racial situation in Birmingham.

Assistant deputy attorney general. He, alongside Burke Marshall were sent by the administration to seek a truce in the tense racial situation in Birmingham.

NAACP leader, who was killed on June 12 1963.

The Dean of Negro leaders.

NAACP leaders in Florida : Assassinated.

Of the federal district court, a Republican appointee, proved to be free enough of the “system” to preserve constitutional rights for St. Augustine’s Negroes.

After Kennedy was assassinated.

Republican candidate for POTUS. Mr. Goldwater represented an unrealistic conservatism that was totally out of touch with the realities of the twentieth century. While not himself a racist, he articulated a philosophy which gave aid and comfort to the racist.

National director of CORE.

U. N. Ambassador.

People of Interest

Quotes

It is quite easy for me to think of a God of love mainly because I grew up in a family where love was central and where lovely relationships were ever present. It is quite easy for me to think of the universe as basically friendly mainly because of my uplifting hereditary and environmental circumstances. It is quite easy for me to lean more toward optimism than pessimism about human nature mainly because of my childhood experiences.

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My strong determination for justice comes from the very strong, dynamic personality of my father, and I would hope that the gentle aspect comes from a mother who is very gentle and sweet.

 

I also learned to abhor segregation, considering it both racially inexplicable and morally unjustifiable.

 

The first twenty-five years of my life were very comfortable years. If I had a problem I could always call Daddy. Things were solved. Life had been wrapped up for me in a Christmas package.

 

My parents would always tell me that I should not hate the white man, but that it was my duty as a Christian to love him.

 

The very idea of separation did something to my sense of dignity and self-respect.

 

I became convinced that non-cooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good.

 

Evil must be resisted and that no moral man can patiently adjust to injustice.

 

If we, as people, had as much religion in our hearts and souls as we have in our legs and feet, we could change the world.

 

It has been my conviction ever since reading Rauschenbusch that any religion that professes concern for the souls of men and is not equally concerned about the slums that damn them, the economic conditions that strangle them, and the social conditions that cripple them is a spiritually moribund religion only waiting for the day to be buried.

 

It is my opinion that sincerity is not enough for the preaching ministry. The minister must be both sincere and intelligent.

 

I think that preaching should grow out of the experiences of the people. Therefore, I, as a minister, must know the problems of the people that I am pastoring. Too often do educated ministers leave the people lost in the fog of theological abstraction, rather than presenting that theology in the light of the people’s experiences.

 

Man is not made for the state; the state is made for man. To deprive man of freedom is to relegate him to the status of a thing, rather than elevate him to the status of a person. Man must never ben treated as a means to an end of the state, but always as an end within himself.

 

Capitalism is always in danger of inspiring men to be more concerned about making a living than making a life. We are prone to judge success by the index of our salaries or the size of our automobiles, rather than by the quality of our service and relationship to humanity. Thus capitalism can lead to a practical materialism that is as pernicious as the materialism taught by communism. 

 

The more I thought about human nature, the more I saw how tragic inclination for sin causes us to use our minds to rationalise our actions.

 

If we are to go forward, me must go back and rediscover these precious values – that all reality hinges on moral foundations and that all reality has spiritual control.

 

I was convinced that worship at its best is a social experience with people of all levels of life coming together to realize their oneness and unity under God.

 

Would immoral means justify moral ends?

 

There is nothing more majestic than the determined courage of individuals willing to suffer and sacrifice for their freedom and dignity.

 

We are not afraid of what we are doing, because we are doing it within the law. There is never a time in our American democracy that we must ever think we’re wrong when we protest. We reserve that right.

 

My friends and associates are being arrested. It would be the height of cowardice for me to stay away. I would rather be in jail ten years than desert my people now. I have begun the struggle, and I can’t turn back. I have reached the point of no return.

 

I knew that I was a convicted criminal, but I was proud of my crime… It was above all the crime of seeking to convince my people that non-cooperation with evil is just as much a moral duty as is cooperation with good.

 

I am convinced that if I had not had a wife with the fortitude, strength, and calmness of Coretta, I could not have stood up amid the ordeals and tensions surrounding the Montgomery movement. In the darkest moments, she always brought the light of hope.

 

If democracy is to live, segregation must die.

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There is no such thing as separate but equal.

 

To believe in nonviolence does not mean that violence will not be inflicted upon you. The believer in nonviolence is the person who will willingly allow himself to be the victim of violence but will never inflict violence upon another. He lives by the conviction that through his suffering and cross bearing, the social situation may be redeemed.

 

Maybe we spend too much of put national budget building military bases around the world rather than bases of genuine concern and understanding.

 

True nonviolent resistance is not unrealistic submission to evil power. It is rather a courageous confrontation of evil by the power of love, in the faith that it is better to be the recipient of violence than the inflictor of it, since the latter only multiplies the existence of violence and bitterness in the universe, while the former may develop a sense of shame in the opponent, and thereby bring about a transformation and change of heart.

 

It is immoral to spend one’s money where one cannot be treated with respect.

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No matter what it is we seek, if it has to do with full citizenship, self-respect, human dignity, and borders on changing the “Southern way of life,” the Negro stands little chance, if any, of securing the approval, consent, or tolerance of the segregationist white South.

 

No negro, in fact, no American, is an outsider when he goes to any community to aid the cause of freedom and justice.

 

It is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Neibur has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals.

 

We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed.

 

One has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that “an unjust law is no law at all.”

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Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever. The yearning for freedom eventually manifests itself.

 

If today’s Church does not recapture the sacrificial spirit of the early Church, it will lose its authenticity, forfeit the loyalty of millions, and be dismissed as an irrelevant social club with no meaning for the twentieth century.

 

What else can one do when he is alone in a narrow jail cell, other than write long letters, think long thoughts, and pray long prayers?

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There are those who write history. There are those who make history. There are those who experience history.

 

Never in the history of this nation have so many people been arrested for the cause of freedom and human dignity.

 

In this community more people have been willing to stand up for freedom and to go to jail for that freedom than in any city at any time in the United Sates of America . Speaking of Birmingham.

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There can be no doubt, even in the true depths of the most prejudiced minds, that the August 28 March on Washington was the most significant and moving demonstration for freedom and justice in all the history of this country.

 

Death comes to every individual. There is an amazing democracy about death. It is not an aristocracy for some people, but a democracy for all of the people. Kings die and beggars die; rich men die and poor men die; old people die and young people die; death comes to the innocent and it comes to the guilty. Death is the irreducible common denominator of all men.

 

As the saying goes, “Every thousand-mile journey begins with the first step.”

 

Something tells me that the ultimate test of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and moments of convenience, but where he stands in moments of challenge and moments of controversy.

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If the worst in American life lurked in the dark streets of Selma, the best of American democratic instincts arose from across the nation to overcome it.

 

Violence only serves to harden the resistance of the white reactionary and relieve the white liberal of guilt, which might motivate him to action and thereby leaves the condition unchanged and embittered.

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A mere condemnation of violence is empty without understanding the daily violence that our society inflicts upon many of its members. The violence of poverty and humiliation hurts as intensely as the violence of the club.

 

We must return to the fact that a person participates in this society primarily as an economic entity. At rock bottom we are neither poets, athletes, nor artists; our existence is centred in the fact that we are consumers, because we first must eat and have shelter to live.

 

It remains a fact that “consumption” of goods and services is the raison d’être of the vast majority of Americans.

 

Ultimately, a genuine leader is not a searcher for consensus but a molder of consensus.

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I would rather be a man of conviction than a man of conformity. Occasionally in life one develops a conviction so precious and meaningful that he will stand on it till the end. This is what I have found in nonviolence.

 

Hate is just as injurious to the hater as it is to the hated. Like an unchecked cancer, hate corrodes the personality and eats away its viral unity. Many of our inner conflicts are rooted in hate. This is why the psychiatrists say, “Love or perish.” Hate is too great a burden to bear.

*Quotes have been taken directly from the autobiography (not my own words).

No language or tenses have been changed.

Where context needed to be provided, these words have been highlighted in yellow.

Quotes from Martin Luther King Jr., unless specified otherwise.

If you believe you have spotted any errors, please do let me know as this would have been unintentional and I'll gladly rectify the issue.

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Timeline

1926

*Dates have been noted throughout the book.

Unless a name has been specified, actions noted refer to Kings'.

If you believe you have spotted any errors, please do let me know as this would have been unintentional and I'll gladly rectify the issue.

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November 25

Michael (later Martin) Luther King, Sr., marries Alberta Williams, daughter of A. D. Williams, pastor of Ebenezer Baptist Church.

1927

April 27

Coretta Scott born in Heiberger, Alabama.

1929

January 15

Michael (later Martin) Luther King, Jr., born at Williams/King family home at 501 Auburn Avenue in Atlanta.

1931

March 21

A. D. Williams dies and is succeeded as pastor of Ebenezer by King Sr.

1941

May 18

King Jr.’s grandmother Jennie Celeste Williams dies and family moves to 193 Boulevard in Atlanta.

1944

April 17

King Jr. travels to Dublin, Georgia, to deliver “The Negro and the Constitution” in oratory contest. 

September 20

King begins freshman year at Morehouse College.

1948

February 25

King is ordained at Ebenezer.

June 8

King receives bachelor of arts degree in sociology from Morehouse.

September 14

King enters Crozer Theological Seminary.

1950

Spring

Hears Howard University president Mordecai Johnson lecture on Ghandhi.

1951

May 8

Receives bachelor of divinity degree from Crozer.

September  13

King enters Boston University’s School of Theology.

1952

January

Coretta and Martin meet in Boston.

1953

February 25

Academic advisor Edgar S. Brightman dies; Harold DeWolf becomes new advisor.

June 18

King Sr. performs marriage in Marion, Alabama.

1954

January 24

King delivers trial sermon at Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama.

February 28

Delivers guest sermon at Second Baptist Church in Detroit, Michigan.

April 14

Accepts call to Dexter’s pastorate.

May 2

Delivers first sermon as Dexter’s minister.

October 31

Officially becomes Pastor of Dexter; King Sr. delivers installation sermon.

1955

June 5

Receives doctorate in systematic theology from Boston University.

August 26

Rosa Parks, secretary of Montgomery NAACP chapter, informs King of his election to executive committee.

November 17

First Child, Yolanda Denise, is born.

December 1

Rosa Parks arrested for violating segregation laws.

December 5

King elected head of newly formed protest group, the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA).

December 17

King and other MIA leaders meet with white representatives in unsuccessful attempt to resolve bus dispute.

1956

January 26

During “Get Tough” campaign, King is arrested and jailed for speeding.

January 28

Receives $14 fine for speeding.

January 30

After his home is bombed, King pleads for nonviolence.

February 21

Montgomery grand jury indicts King and other MIA leaders for violating antiboycott law.

March 22

King is found guilty of leading illegal boycott and sentenced to $500 fine or 386 days in jail; the case is appealed.

November 13

U.S. Supreme Court declares bus segregation laws unconstitutional.

December 21

After MIA votes to end boycott, King is one of first passengers to ride desegregated buses.

1957

February 14

King becomes head of Southern Leaders Conference (later SCLC).

March 4

King party arrives in Gold Coast for independence celebration.

March 6

Attends midnight ceremony marking Ghana’s independence.

March 12

Departs from Accra to Rome, by way of Nigeria.

March 26

Returns to New York after stays in Paris and London.

May 17

Delivers address at Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom in Washington, D.C.

September 25

Applauds President Eisenhower’s decision to use force to integrate Little Rock’s Central High School.

October 23

Martin Luther King III is born.

1958

June 23

King and other civil rights leaders meet with Eisenhower.

September 3

King is arrested in Montgomery.

September 4

After his conviction for failing to obey an officer, King’s fine is paid by Montgomery police commissioner.

September 20

Is stabbed in Harlem.

October 3

After release from Harlem Hospital, begins convalescing at the home of the Reverend Sandy F. Ray.

October 24

Returns to Montgomery to continue recuperation.

1959

February 3

The Kings, accompanied by Dr. L. D. Reddick, embark for India.

February 10

After stay in Paris, King party arrives in India and has dinner with Prime Minister Nehru.

March 10

Departure from India to Jerusalem and Cairo.

March 18

Return to the United States.

1960

February 1

King moves with family to Atlanta; in Greensboro, North Carolina, lunch counter sit-ins movement begins.

February 17

Is arrested and charged with falsifying his 1956 and 1958 Alabama state income tax refunds.

April 15

Speaks at founding conference of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).

May 28

Is acquitted of tax evasion by an all-white jury in Montgomery.

June 23

King discusses civil rights with presidential candidate Senator John F. Kennedy.

October 19

Is arrested in Atlanta sit-in.

October 25

Charges are dropped for sit-in arrest but King is held for violating probation for earlier traffic offense and transferred to Reidsville State Prison.

October 26

Presidential candidate Jon F. Kennedy calls Coretta Scott King to express sympathy and offer assistance; Robert Kennedy calls Georgia governor S. Ernest Vandiver and Judge Oscar Mitchell seeking King’s release on bail.

October 27

King’s attorney Donald L. Hollowell arranges release from Prison.

November 1

King applauds Senator Kennedy for support.

November 8

Kennedy wins close election, receiving strong support from black voters.

1961

January 30

Kings’ third child, Dexter Scott, is born.

May 21

After the initial group of Freedom Riders seeking to integrate bus terminals are assaulted in Alabama, King addresses mass rally at mob-besieged Montgomery church.

December 15

King arrives in Albany in response to telegram from Dr. W. G. Anderson, head of the Albany Movement.

December 16

Is arrested with more than 700 Albany protesters.

1962

July 10

With Ralph Abernathy, is convicted of leading December protest; begins serving a 45-day sentence.

July 12

Leaves jail after his fine is paid by unidentified person.

July 25

After outbreak of racial violence in Albany, calls for Day of Penance to atone for violence.

July 27

Albany city hall prayer vigil ends in arrest.

August 10

Leaves jail and agrees to halt demonstrations.

1963

March 28

The Kings’ fourth child, Bernice Albertine, is born.

April 2

Albert Boutwell wins runoff election over Police Commissioner Eugene “Bull” Connor for Mayor of Birmingham, but Connor and other city commissioners refuse to leave office.

April 3

After delays in order to avoid interfering with elections, SCLC and Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights launch protest campaign in Birmingham.

April 12

After violating a state circuit court injunction against protests, King is arrested. White Birmingham ministers write to King calling for end of demonstrations.

April 15

President Kennedy calls Coretta Scott King expressing concern for her jailed husband.

April 16

King writes letter of response.

April 19

King and Ralph Abernathy are released on bond.

May 2-7

Birmingham police use fire hoses and dogs against “Children’s Crusade”; over 1000 youngsters arrested.

May 8

Protest leaders suspend mass demonstrations.

May 11

After tentative settlement is reached, segregationists bomb the Gaston Motel where King was staying and the home of King’s brother, the Reverend A. D. King.

May 13

Federal troops arrive in Birmingham.

June 11

President Kennedy announces new civil rights proposal.

June 12

Assassin kills NAACP leader Medger Evers.

June 22

King meets with Kennedy.

August 28

Addresses the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.

September 15

Dynamite blast kills four young black girls in Sunday school at Birmingham’s Sixteenth Street Baptist Church.

September 19

King and other civil rights leaders meet with President John F. Kennedy.

September 22

Delivers eulogy for the four children.

November 22

Assassination of President Kennedy; Lyndon B. Johnson becomes president.

1964

February 9

Segregationist violence prompts St. Augustine, Florida, civil rights leader Robert Hayling to invite SCLC to join struggle.

March 26

After press conference at U.S. Senate, King has brief encounter with Malcolm X.

May 28

After the jailing of hundreds of demonstrators in St. Augustine, King appeals for outside assistance.

June 11

After King’s arrest in St. Augustine, bi-racial committee is formed.

June 21

On the eve of the “Freedom Summer” campaign in Mississippi, three civil rights workers are reported missing after their arrest in Philadelphia, Mississippi.

June

Why We Can’t Wait is published.

July 2

Attends the signing of Civil Rights Act of 1964.

July 16

King asserts that nomination of Senator Barry Goldwater by Republicans will aid racists.

July 20

Arrives in Mississippi to assist civil rights effort.

August 4

The bodies of missing civil rights workers are discovered.

August 22

Testifies at Democratic convention on behalf of Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party.

December 10

King receives Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo.

December 11

Delivers Nobel Lecture at University of Oslo.

1965

January 27

Integrated dinner in Atlanta honours King.

February 1

King is jailed with more than two hundred others after voting rights in Selma, Alabama.

February 5

Coretta Scott King meets with Malcolm X in Selma, Alabama.

February 21

Malcolm X assassinated in Harlem.

February 26

Jimmie Lee Jackson dies after being shot by police during demonstration in Marion, Alabama.

March 7

Voting rights marchers are beaten at Edmund Pettus Bridge.

March 11

Rev. James Reeb dies after beating by white racists.

March 25

Selma-to-Montgomery march concludes with address by King; hours afterward, Klan night riders kill Viola Gregg Liuzzo while she transports marchers back to Selma.

July 26

King leads march to Chicago City Hall and addresses a rally sponsored by Chicago’s Coordinating Council of Community Organizations (CCCO).

August 11-15

Widespread racial violence in Los Angeles results in more than 30 deaths.

August 12

King calls for halt to U.S. bombing of North Vietnam to encourage negotiated settlement of conflict.

August 17

King arrives in Los Angeles at the invitation of local groups.

1966

January 7

Announces the start of the Chicago Campaign.

January 10

Backs Georgia State Senator-elect Julian Bond’s right to oppose war.

May 29

Urges halt to bombing on Face the Nation televised interview .

June 6

James Meredith, who integrated the University of Mississippi in 1962, is wounded by a sniper during his “March Against Fear” designed to encourage black voting in Mississippi; King and other civil rights leaders agree to continue the march.

June 16

Stokely Carmichael ignites controversy by using the “Black Power” slogan.

July 10

At “Freedom Sunday” rally at Soldier’s Field, launches drive to make Chicago an “open city” for housing.

July 12-14

Racial rioting on Chicago’s West Side results in two deaths and widespread destruction.

August 5

Angry whites attack civil rights march through Chicago’s southwest side.

August 26

Arranges “Summit Agreement” with Mayor R. Daley and other Chicago leaders.

1967

April 4

Delivers his first public antiwar speech at New York’s Riverside Church.

May 31

At an SCLC staff retreat King calls for a radical redistribution of economic and political power.

December 4

Launches a Poor People’s Campaign.

1968

March 18

Speaks to striking sanitation workers in Memphis.

March 28

Leads Memphis march that is disrupted by violence.

April 3

Delivers final address at Bishop Charles J. Mason Temple in Memphis.

April 4

Is assassinated at Loraine Hotel.

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I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

            Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

            But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.

            And so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense, we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”

            It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honouring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we’ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

            We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children.

            It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the movement. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.

            There will be neither rest nor tranquillity in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

            But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: in the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

            The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by there presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back.

            There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the negro is the victim of the unspeakable horror of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “For Whites Only.” We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

            I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

            Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

            Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends: so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

            I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed – we hold these truths  to be self-evident that all men are created equal.

            I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

            I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

            I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

            I have a dream today!

            I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

            I have a dream today!

            I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain and the crooked places will be made straight and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.

            This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.

            With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

            This will be the day, this will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning: “My country ‘tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim’s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!” And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

            And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

            Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Leet freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that.

Let freedom ring from the Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from the Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let is ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last, free at last. Thank God Almighty, we are free at last.”

I have a dream

August 28, 1963

Photograph : @historyhd

These are my general thoughts.

Words are my own.

  • How your parents are plays a massive role in your upbringing. Martin received love and support from his, that greatly shaped his outlook on life as he got older.

  • King gave up an ‘easy’ life, to move back to South, all for the greater good. He could’ve had a much easier life but fighting for his people and to know that he would be making a difference for the future generation was a bigger reason than to be part of a minority who had it easy. He wanted to help his community, his people fight against injustice.

  • He was always concerned about the morality aspect of any decision he took. He didn’t want to stoop to the same level as the racists, he wanted to be better than that. But was that always better? He was a man of God so he didn’t want to battle evil with evil, but I don’t believe we live in the type of world where ‘love’ will conquer all. I think it’s pointless to think it is. Not everyone is in need of, or wants ‘guidance’. There is no reasoning with them or changing their thought process. Some people are happy to live and be a part of a system that benefits them even at the expense of others. You can want to change their minds… but I don’t think that this should always be a non-violent, tactic. I see why Malcolm X had the approach that he did. 

  • You have to believe in your vision and yourself more than anything else. King could’ve avoided being arrested if he stayed with his parents, but that would have been cowardly for him to do that. He started on a path and the whole purpose was to help his people. He needed to stick to that. You need to be true to your beliefs and stick by your values. He had his first child of 3 months and wife waiting for him. He could have given in, for the sake of being with his family but he didn’t falter. The mission was more important than anything else.

  • I think it’s fair to say that King could not accomplish what he did if it had not been for his wife. I feel like in this day and age, the idea of a woman staying at home, looking after the house and raising the children is seen as anti-feminist. But she was an important support structure to King. He has said himself, that if it had not been for her unwavering support, calmness and fearlessness, he would not have been able to get as far as he did. She was always by his side, not caring about her own safety. She wanted to be there for and support her husband in any way that she could. She never complained when he wasn’t home and away from her and their children for long periods of time because she believed in his vision. She was ready to sacrifice what she needed to, in order to allow him to become the man that they both wanted him to. Having the right woman by your side makes all the difference. For all those times men may have doubts and fears in their private moments, a wife can bring encouragement and support, when no one else can or even knows the things you might be feeling inside. Regardless of the views of the West, having a devoted wife is just as important today and could make all the difference.

  • You can tell that King really did stick to his beliefs and morals of non-violence. Even when he was stabbed in 1958, he never thought to retaliate with violence. Which I’m sure, so many people after having experienced such a thing, might be quick to switch sides. He really believed that violence was not the answer in any capacity.

  • His writing was so poetic in a way. So captivating! It’s like I can hear him saying the words when I’m reading them. No wonder he captivated his audiences and had such a big following. He was a great preacher/speaker and always spoke with logic.

  • Is the Western World too selfish in its teachings? Yes I think it is. During Kings’ time, regardless of your profession, you wanted to achieve so that you could be in a position to help your community. You wanted to become a lawyer and a doctor and a teacher and all the rest, so that you can give your opinion from an educated perspective and to help in all area legal/professional so that you could help those just like you. Today, it’s about which job gets you the most money so that you can live lavishly. How many people really give back to their community? People were dying for an education and now education is a joke. People would rather work and earn a living. But education is so much more than just getting a job at the end of the day. I feel like we should study our history and our present. What is happening and why it is happening. How else can we plan for a better future, if not based what we’ve learnt from the past? These people were willing to go to jail, just so the future generations could have a better life in all the ways that they couldn’t. Had they all just thought about themselves and stuck to the status quo, we’d still have segregation today. How often do we think about all the people who sacrificed so much and had to go through so much emotionally/physically, so that we can even be in a position to laugh at racial inequality?

  • I felt that the short Chapter on Malcolm X wasn’t the fairest. Yes, I believed in what Malcolm was trying to achieve and I would say I am a supporter, in the sense that it was never that violence was his option… he just believed that if you needed to protect yourself against violence, you should be able to use violence. I get that King Jr’s philosophy was of course very different, but to say that Malcolm reaped what he sowed is uncalled for. Malcolm was assassinated, as could anyone be! His death was a pre-meditated, planned attack. How could one say in the same sentence that his death was a mirror to what he was preaching. I’ve never read anywhere that he was ever inciting violence. In the same way that some people at non-violent demonstrations, can become violent, does that mean the leader of the demonstration is the root cause? He also mentions a few times that he felt Malcolm was bitter towards life and I would say the contrary. Yes, he had been through so much, but all that life experience allowed him to understand the people who were at rock bottom and that allowed him to think about what needed to be changed and how. Both men grew up is such different circumstances and led such different lives. Martin Luther King Jr, was never exposed to life in the ghetto, how could he possibly understand the problems that went on there? I felt almost as if Malcom was being judged and looked down upon because of what he was born into. It would seem then that this comes down to luck? I’d also like to ask the question, if Malcolm’s denouncing of the Christianity faith (the religion of Martin) is also part of the reason that Martin wouldn’t be able to see eye-to-eye with Malcolm? Reading the chapter, I think that strongly is a possibility. If Malcolm was the same man but a proud Christian, how would Martin’s opinion of him differ?

  • I’m not saying that Martin only ever spoke bad of Malcolm. He did say that he respected him and saw potential in him of being a leader and that just before his death he did believe Malcolm was changing his philosophical views. All-in-all, I understand they just had 2 very different stances and I suppose it’s a tricky thing, to know which side you would have been on, when ultimately both ‘leaders’ were trying to achieve the same goal : complete freedom for their people.

  • In my opinion, King relies a lot of his beliefs based around how the white man will react and considering he is speaking on behalf of the ‘oppressed’, I don’t think this is always effective. In the same way that he was against the ‘black power slogan’, is it really the worst thing that the word ‘black’ is in it? It’s just like what’s happening in the current day, with the ‘black lives matter’. I’ve never understood why people find it offensive. If a large number of black people are dying at the hands of police brutality, in comparison to other races, it would make sense to use a slogan that represents those that are dying. The slogan doesn’t mean that other lives don’t matter, it’s just trying to bring attention to an occurring issue. I felt like the ‘black power’ was the same thing. The whole Civil Rights movement is about empowering and freeing the black man. Which slogan could be more fitting?! I understand about his conviction to standing by nonviolence, but I feel like he tiptoes around what he assumes the reaction of the white man will be. At the end of the day, people were still being killed, attacked and hurt in the peaceful marches. I’m not saying that meant that they should now go on the offensive and start hurting back either. I’m just saying that when you look at your people dying in these tragic ways, you have to realise the government and society you’re up against, are not children. I don’t believe it’s a matter of no matter what, not reacting and acting like they are not phased, because they still ‘love’. You have to take death a bit more seriously. These people were set in their ways. They weren’t going to see that you’re not reacting and just stop the hurt. For the racists, you’re then an easy target to continue hurting, knowing they are free from consequence. He could have stuck by nonviolence but did it based on what would benefit them first and then look at how the white man would’ve reacted second.

  • I wish we lived in the type of world where it was non violent, wouldn’t that be amazing. And as much as I know that nonviolence has to start from somewhere in order for others to climb on board, unfortunately, the idea of ‘power’ and ‘hierarchy’ is etched too deep into man. Look at how we live. All the presidents and politicians and armed forces and ‘important people in society.’ All these people at the top, deciding the fate of the poor and deciding which countries to exploit, which people to exploit. Can we, realistically, combat this as the ‘non-powerful’ people, with non violence? King mentions at one point in Chicago, that most of his team had the idea to overthrow the government and he says, this is America that can never happen. But why not? In the same way he’s basically saying, be realistic with your goals, wasn’t freedom once upon a time also an unrealistic goal? Wasn’t desegregation also an unrealistic goal? Yet look at us now. That’s what conflicts me about my view of King; he had the right idea, I just didn’t agree with his execution. 

Notes

©2025 by Syeda Uddin.

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